[Above: a VOC canon]
Readers of "Formosa under the Dutch (1903)" by Rev William Campbell甘為霖 (1841-1921) will know from the preface that this book consists of three parts, the first was based on the work of François Valentyn; the second, a collection of contemporary letters and church documents; and the third and last part, "Neglected Formosa ('t Verwaerloosde Formosa, 1675)" by Frederick Coyett 揆一.
For years, this has pretty much been the only source, presented in the English language, on the history of Koxinga's conquest of Taiwan. In fact, many authors have "borrowed" liberally from Campbell's book including, e.g., Davidson (1903), Rutter (1923), and Lach and Van Kley (1998). And since the contemporary Chinese records have not been systematically translated into English, the understanding of this part of the history is necessarily limited to Coyett's own account .
On the Chinese language side, not only Campbell's book has been translated, materials based on the VOC archives have also appeared in recent years. For example, "Degh-Register gehounden int Costeel Batavia [巴達維亞城日記The Batavia Diaries]" has been translated first into Japanese in 1970 by 村上真次郎 and then into Chinese and published in 1991. In 1999, Prof 江樹生 started publishing "De Dagregisters van het Kasteel Zeelandia [熱蘭遮城日誌The Zeelandia Diaries]", also in Chinese, that covers the period of 1629-1662. These Zeelandia Diaries recorded the reports of the Dutch Governor Generals of Formosa, the meeting minutes of the Senate, and the official letters/documents, all in unprecedented detail. For example, in May, 1661 alone, there had been 8 communications between Koxinga and Coyett with most already lost from Chinese records:
1. voc 1235, f.520-521 Translaet missive door den groot mandorijn Cocxinja geschrijven aen den heere gouverneur Frederick, geschrijven in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 3en mane den 29 dach。
2. voc 1235, f.520-521 Translaet van zekere placcaet van den Cocxinja vn den 27en 28 dach der 3en mane in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van coninick Indick
3. voc 1235, f.536-537 Translaet missive van Cocxinja naer casteeel Zeelandia aen den gouverneur Frederick, Saccam, 3 meij 1661 in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 4en mane den 5 dach
4. voc 1235, f.542 Translaet missive van Cocxinja naer casteeel Zeelandia aen Frederick Coyett. Saccam, 4 meij 1661, in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 4en mane den 6 dach
5. voc 1235, f.563 Translaet missive van Koksinja (Cocxinja) naer casteeel Zeelandia aen den gouverneur Frederick. Uijt het leger in de Pijnappels, 10 meij 1661 in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 4en mane den 12 dach
6. voc 1235, f.565 Missive van Frederick Coyett naer Bokkenburgh aen Cocxinja . Casteeel Zeelandia,10 meij 1661.
7. voc f.595-597 Translaet missive van Cocxinja naer casteeel Zeelandia aen Frederick Coyett. Uijt het leger in Bokkenburg, 24 meij 1661, in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 4en mane den 26 dach
8. voc 1235, f.597-598 Missive van Frederick Coyett naer Bokkenburgh aen Cocxinja . Casteeel Zeelandia,25 Meij 1661.
Presumably, only No 7 (dated May 24) appeared in Campbell's book. The famed Taiwanese historian Lien-Heng連橫 did include in his 台湾通史Comprehensive History of Taiwan Vol 1 (1920) such a letter, dated 永曆十五年 [the 15th year of Yong-li], the 4th Month, 26th Day (i.e., May 24, 1661), in which Koxinga explained to Coyett why the Dutch must surrender [with only a few hundred men hopelessly surrounded, a shame to lose more lives] and if they did, they could leave peacefully; and those who decided to stay would be well-treated; however, if the Dutch refused to comply, a red flag was to be hoisted as a sign of declaration of war [which the Dutch did]; and Koxinga would be personally watching for the sign on the horseback; the final advice was for the Dutch not to hesitate in choosing life over death:
「執事率數百之眾，困守城中，何足以抗我軍？而余尤怪執事之不智也。夫天下之人固不樂死於非命，余之數告執事者，蓋為貴國人民之性命，不忍陷之瘡痍爾。今再命使者前往致意，願執事熟思之。執事若知不敵，獻城降，則余當以誠意相待。否則我軍攻城，而執事始揭白旗，則余亦止戰，以待後命。我軍入城之時，余嚴飭將士，秋毫無犯，一聽貴國人民之去。若有願留者，余亦保衛之，與華人同。夫戰敗而和，古有明訓；臨事不斷，智者所譏。貴國人民遠渡重洋，經營臺島，至勢不得已而謀自衛之道，固余之所壯也。然臺灣者，中國之土地也，久為貴國所踞。今余既來索，則地當歸我，珍瑤不急之物悉聽而歸。若執事不聽，可揭紅旗請戰，余亦立馬以觀，毋游移而不決也。生死之權，在余掌中，見機而作，不俟終日。唯執事圖之。」
It was apparently a very long and protracted process of negotiation, diplomacy in action in fact, during the siege of Ft Zeelandia.
Interestingly, Lien-Heng also stated "鄭師捕其商人羅谷具，令入城勸降。荷人不從。" [The Cheng army captured a Dutch merchant named Luo-go-ju (original name in Dutch unknown) and ordered him to enter the fort to advise surrender, which was rejected by the Dutch.] There was no mention of Rev Anthonius Hambroek at all.
From Lien-Heng's work, it is clear that sources other than the Campbell tome were available, most likely in the Chinese language. In fact, two of them have been widely cited by other Chinese historians: (1) Jiang Ri-shen江日昇's《台灣外記A Supplemental History of Taiwan》and (2) Yang Ying楊英's《從征實錄Actual Records of the Military Campaigns》:
(1) Jiang江日昇's 台灣外紀Taiwan History was published in 1704. Jiang was from Hokkien. His father 江美鰲 served as a ranking officer in Koxinga'a army until 1677 when he joined the Qing. Jiang's book was based on his father's recall and memoirs of many other actual participants. It described the events from 1621 until 1683, i.e., from the rise of Cheng Zhi-Lung to the end of the Tung-Ning Kingdom. It was written in the style of a traditional Chinese novel albeit with factual contents. Chapter 11, for example, detailed Koxinga's strategy for striking back at an attack mounted by Capt Thomas Pedel's company - this would not have been known to Coyett naturally:
"成功早起，聞安平荷蘭擊鼓吹笛（郎掌號）。功知欲出兵，傅諸將諭曰：「荷蘭無別伎。惟恃火炮而已。黃昭！爾可帶銃手五百名、連環熕二百門[铜发熕是明代的大型火炮，创制于嘉庆年间。重五百斤，发射的弹丸重四斤]，分作三隊，前往鯤身尾。列陣以待；侯他對攻。楊祥！爾可帶藤牌手五百名，從鬼仔埔後繞過鯤身之左，橫沖截殺。蕭拱宸！爾整艍仔船二十隻，看彼隊伍將過七鯤身欲與我們交鋒，隨朗搖旗吶喊駕駛，作過去攻城狀。彼兵見之，自然慌亂，不敢戀戰，破之必矣。」調撥已定，又令諸鎮列陣靜伏守候。荷蘭果行至七鯤身尾，方欲對壘，忽見赤嵌快哨搖動，欲過安平攻城，心遂虛。而楊祥領藤牌又到，跳舞橫沖。荷蘭愈慌，立陣不住，敗下，死者過半，退守其城。"
"Early in the morning, Koxinga heard the fife and drum playing inside Ft Zeelandia. Knowing the Dutch were preparing for an attack, he announced to his generals that, "The Dutch have no other skills than using their firearms, Huang-Zhao: you will lead 500 musketeers [note: these would have been the Black Battalion] together with 200 field canons and split them into three teams to face the advancing Dutch. Yang-Shiang: you will take 500 rattan-shield soldiers and get ready to attack from the left flank. And Hsiao Gung-chen: you will prepare 20 ships with the men on board making movements and noises pretending to attack Zeelandia from Ft Provintia. When the Dutch see this, they will start to panic, too worried about the security of Zeelandia to fight. Then they will be easy to defeat."
After the strategy was set, Koxinga ordered all to stay put. What followed was indeed as predicted, the Dutch infantry could not hold the line as soon as they sensed the imminent attack on Ft Zeelandia. And half of the men were killed before the rest fled back into the Fort.
Coyett's version, however, had 200 of the Dutch musketeers battle against 4,000 Koxinga's elite iron-man corps and the "mad-dog" rattan-shield soldiers, amidst a shower of arrows.
(2) Yang Ying楊英's《從征實錄》was in effect a daily log of Koxinga's military activities from 1649-1662 (note: □ = lost or archaic characters). Yang was a non-combatant officer in the Household Dept whose duty was to faithfully record all the important events:
四月初一日黎明，藩坐駕船即至臺灣外沙線，各船魚貫絡繹亦至。辰時天亮，即到鹿耳門線外。本藩隨下小哨，繇(由)鹿耳門先登岸，踏勘營地。午後，大船齊進鹿耳門。先時此港頗淺，大船俱無出入，是日水漲數尺，我舟極大者亦無□□，□天意默助也。是晚，我舟齊到，泊禾寮港，登岸，札營近街坊梨 □□□□□□□鎮督虎衛將坐銃船札鹿耳門，□□水師甲板，並防北線尾。
In the early dawn hours on the first day of the 4th month, Koxinga arrived at the sandy line of Tayouan Bay with all the other ships following in a single file. By dawn, all had reached the outside of the Lakjemuyse Channel. Koxinga disembarked to examine the camp sites. In the afternoon, all the ships even the large ones entered the Channel unhindered riding the higher than usual high tides. This was a silent help from Heaven. By nightfall, all ships were docked in He-Liao Port and the soldiers encamped on shore. A gunboat was dispatched to guard the Channel and Baxemboy.
是晚，赤崁城夷長貓難實叮發炮擊我營盤，並焚馬□□□。其赤崁街係我民居草厝，藩恐被焚燬糧粟，特差戶都事楊英持令箭委同楊戎政督同援勦後鎮張志官兵看守堵禦，不許官兵混搬，亦不可致紅夷焚燬，候明日分派發給官兵糧食。繇(由)是各街米粟看守完全，無敢侵擾。次日，即令戶都事楊英將街中米粟，一盡分發各鎮兵糧，計勻足半個月。
In the same night, Ft Provintia on order of its Commander fired at our camp site causing some damage to the staple and food storage. Since Sakam District was a residential area with houses built with straws, in order to avoid a firestorm and destruction of food supplies, Koxinga ordered the soldiers to be on guard and to wait until the next morning to distribute the rations. The supplies were in fact secured and the rice and grains, enough to last for half a month on the average, was distributed to the soldiers.
初三日，宣毅前鎮□官兵札營北線尾，夷長揆一城上見我北線尾官兵未備，遣戰將拔鬼仔率鳥銃兵數百前來衝□，被宣毅前鎮督率向敵一鼓而殲，夷將拔鬼仔戰死陣中，餘夷被殺殆盡。
On the 3rd Day, Forward Guards were sent to set up camps at Baxemboy. Coyett, noticing our soldiers were in transit, sent Capt Pedel and a few hundred of his musketeers to ambush us. This was quickly beaten back by the Guards. The Captain was killed together with the rest of the Dutchmen.
初四日，赤崁城夷長貓難實叮以孤城援絕，城中乏水，欲降。先一日，其弟同婦外□遊，被我兵捉獲解藩，藩慰諭□，加意□□送歸赤崁城，與兄實叮道述德意。至是日議降，藩遣番通事吳邁、李仲同楊戎政招諭之，誓無殺害之意。遂赴藩前納降，仍令原駐城中，並厚賜唐山土儀。藩遂遣實叮往臺灣城招揆一來降。令諭招我百姓回家樂業。
On the 4th Day, the commander of Ft Provintia Valentyn was ready to capitulate after the water supply ran out. One day before, his younger brother together with the brother's wife were detained outside the Fort and sent to Koxinga. Koxinga treated them kindly and returned them to the Fort unharmed. In gratitude, Valentyn decided to give up the Fort. An agreement was reached in which Koxinga vowed not to kill anyone. He then sent three officials, bearing gifts from China, to receive the surrender and allowed Valentyn to stay in the Fort. The commander was later invited to go to Zeelandia to ask for Coyett's white flag, so that all citizens could return home and move on with their lives.
初五日，夷王揆一遣我民充番通事胡興同揆一人□□藩說和，藩諭令夷長來見。
On the 5th Day, Coyett's envoy, a Chinese employed as a Dutch consul, came to visit to sue for peace. Koxinga demanded a high ranking representative instead.
初六日，揆一遣夷長□□□等同實叮□□□見，藩賜宴厚禮之，令何廷斌問：『揆一何日出降』？答云：『揆一無降，若藩主兵將抽回，年輸□稅若干萬併土產□□貨隨意聽從，年年照例貢納。至此番大師船隻俱納□□□歸官兵，愿送勞師銀十萬兩』云云，餘無敢言。藩卻之，令發回。
On the 6th Day, Coyett did send a high-level Dutch representative together with Valentyn, both of whom Koxinga had received courteously. At the banquet, Koxinga instructed He Ting-bing to inquire when Coyett would yield, to which the reply was that Coyett would not surrender and that if Koxinga would to withdraw, the Dutch were willing to pay annual taxes and tributes in amounts to be decided, plus an immediate compensation of 100,000 taels of silver and delivery of ships. Koxinga promptly declined the offer and ordered the envoys to leave.
Also, on the account of the sea battle on May 1st, Coyett reported the loss of one large ship [the Hector] with the other three escaping destruction; whereas Yang recorded the capture of two Dutch galleons and three smaller ships.
It is inevitable that historical accounts from the opposing sides differ. This maybe acceptable if the general storylines more or less agree; however, the Koxinga-Coyett conflict based solely on Coyett's narrative is simply too one-sided. The devil is therefore in the details. A far more balanced view of Koxinga's operation obviously is still needed; already a picture of Koxinga's seeking a peaceful resolution begins to emerge.
On the Chinese language side, not only Campbell's book has been translated, materials based on the VOC archives have also appeared in recent years. For example, "Degh-Register gehounden int Costeel Batavia [巴達維亞城日記The Batavia Diaries]" has been translated first into Japanese in 1970 by 村上真次郎 and then into Chinese and published in 1991. In 1999, Prof 江樹生 started publishing "De Dagregisters van het Kasteel Zeelandia [熱蘭遮城日誌The Zeelandia Diaries]", also in Chinese, that covers the period of 1629-1662. These Zeelandia Diaries recorded the reports of the Dutch Governor Generals of Formosa, the meeting minutes of the Senate, and the official letters/documents, all in unprecedented detail. For example, in May, 1661 alone, there had been 8 communications between Koxinga and Coyett with most already lost from Chinese records:
1. voc 1235, f.520-521 Translaet missive door den groot mandorijn Cocxinja geschrijven aen den heere gouverneur Frederick, geschrijven in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 3en mane den 29 dach。
2. voc 1235, f.520-521 Translaet van zekere placcaet van den Cocxinja vn den 27en 28 dach der 3en mane in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van coninick Indick
3. voc 1235, f.536-537 Translaet missive van Cocxinja naer casteeel Zeelandia aen den gouverneur Frederick, Saccam, 3 meij 1661 in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 4en mane den 5 dach
4. voc 1235, f.542 Translaet missive van Cocxinja naer casteeel Zeelandia aen Frederick Coyett. Saccam, 4 meij 1661, in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 4en mane den 6 dach
5. voc 1235, f.563 Translaet missive van Koksinja (Cocxinja) naer casteeel Zeelandia aen den gouverneur Frederick. Uijt het leger in de Pijnappels, 10 meij 1661 in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 4en mane den 12 dach
6. voc 1235, f.565 Missive van Frederick Coyett naer Bokkenburgh aen Cocxinja . Casteeel Zeelandia,10 meij 1661.
7. voc f.595-597 Translaet missive van Cocxinja naer casteeel Zeelandia aen Frederick Coyett. Uijt het leger in Bokkenburg, 24 meij 1661, in 't 15 jaer der regeringe van Indick de 4en mane den 26 dach
8. voc 1235, f.597-598 Missive van Frederick Coyett naer Bokkenburgh aen Cocxinja . Casteeel Zeelandia,25 Meij 1661.
Presumably, only No 7 (dated May 24) appeared in Campbell's book. The famed Taiwanese historian Lien-Heng連橫 did include in his 台湾通史Comprehensive History of Taiwan Vol 1 (1920) such a letter, dated 永曆十五年 [the 15th year of Yong-li], the 4th Month, 26th Day (i.e., May 24, 1661), in which Koxinga explained to Coyett why the Dutch must surrender [with only a few hundred men hopelessly surrounded, a shame to lose more lives] and if they did, they could leave peacefully; and those who decided to stay would be well-treated; however, if the Dutch refused to comply, a red flag was to be hoisted as a sign of declaration of war [which the Dutch did]; and Koxinga would be personally watching for the sign on the horseback; the final advice was for the Dutch not to hesitate in choosing life over death:
「執事率數百之眾，困守城中，何足以抗我軍？而余尤怪執事之不智也。夫天下之人固不樂死於非命，余之數告執事者，蓋為貴國人民之性命，不忍陷之瘡痍爾。今再命使者前往致意，願執事熟思之。執事若知不敵，獻城降，則余當以誠意相待。否則我軍攻城，而執事始揭白旗，則余亦止戰，以待後命。我軍入城之時，余嚴飭將士，秋毫無犯，一聽貴國人民之去。若有願留者，余亦保衛之，與華人同。夫戰敗而和，古有明訓；臨事不斷，智者所譏。貴國人民遠渡重洋，經營臺島，至勢不得已而謀自衛之道，固余之所壯也。然臺灣者，中國之土地也，久為貴國所踞。今余既來索，則地當歸我，珍瑤不急之物悉聽而歸。若執事不聽，可揭紅旗請戰，余亦立馬以觀，毋游移而不決也。生死之權，在余掌中，見機而作，不俟終日。唯執事圖之。」
It was apparently a very long and protracted process of negotiation, diplomacy in action in fact, during the siege of Ft Zeelandia.
Interestingly, Lien-Heng also stated "鄭師捕其商人羅谷具，令入城勸降。荷人不從。" [The Cheng army captured a Dutch merchant named Luo-go-ju (original name in Dutch unknown) and ordered him to enter the fort to advise surrender, which was rejected by the Dutch.] There was no mention of Rev Anthonius Hambroek at all.
From Lien-Heng's work, it is clear that sources other than the Campbell tome were available, most likely in the Chinese language. In fact, two of them have been widely cited by other Chinese historians: (1) Jiang Ri-shen江日昇's《台灣外記A Supplemental History of Taiwan》and (2) Yang Ying楊英's《從征實錄Actual Records of the Military Campaigns》:
(1) Jiang江日昇's 台灣外紀Taiwan History was published in 1704. Jiang was from Hokkien. His father 江美鰲 served as a ranking officer in Koxinga'a army until 1677 when he joined the Qing. Jiang's book was based on his father's recall and memoirs of many other actual participants. It described the events from 1621 until 1683, i.e., from the rise of Cheng Zhi-Lung to the end of the Tung-Ning Kingdom. It was written in the style of a traditional Chinese novel albeit with factual contents. Chapter 11, for example, detailed Koxinga's strategy for striking back at an attack mounted by Capt Thomas Pedel's company - this would not have been known to Coyett naturally:
"成功早起，聞安平荷蘭擊鼓吹笛（郎掌號）。功知欲出兵，傅諸將諭曰：「荷蘭無別伎。惟恃火炮而已。黃昭！爾可帶銃手五百名、連環熕二百門[铜发熕是明代的大型火炮，创制于嘉庆年间。重五百斤，发射的弹丸重四斤]，分作三隊，前往鯤身尾。列陣以待；侯他對攻。楊祥！爾可帶藤牌手五百名，從鬼仔埔後繞過鯤身之左，橫沖截殺。蕭拱宸！爾整艍仔船二十隻，看彼隊伍將過七鯤身欲與我們交鋒，隨朗搖旗吶喊駕駛，作過去攻城狀。彼兵見之，自然慌亂，不敢戀戰，破之必矣。」調撥已定，又令諸鎮列陣靜伏守候。荷蘭果行至七鯤身尾，方欲對壘，忽見赤嵌快哨搖動，欲過安平攻城，心遂虛。而楊祥領藤牌又到，跳舞橫沖。荷蘭愈慌，立陣不住，敗下，死者過半，退守其城。"
"Early in the morning, Koxinga heard the fife and drum playing inside Ft Zeelandia. Knowing the Dutch were preparing for an attack, he announced to his generals that, "The Dutch have no other skills than using their firearms, Huang-Zhao: you will lead 500 musketeers [note: these would have been the Black Battalion] together with 200 field canons and split them into three teams to face the advancing Dutch. Yang-Shiang: you will take 500 rattan-shield soldiers and get ready to attack from the left flank. And Hsiao Gung-chen: you will prepare 20 ships with the men on board making movements and noises pretending to attack Zeelandia from Ft Provintia. When the Dutch see this, they will start to panic, too worried about the security of Zeelandia to fight. Then they will be easy to defeat."
After the strategy was set, Koxinga ordered all to stay put. What followed was indeed as predicted, the Dutch infantry could not hold the line as soon as they sensed the imminent attack on Ft Zeelandia. And half of the men were killed before the rest fled back into the Fort.
Coyett's version, however, had 200 of the Dutch musketeers battle against 4,000 Koxinga's elite iron-man corps and the "mad-dog" rattan-shield soldiers, amidst a shower of arrows.
(2) Yang Ying楊英's《從征實錄》was in effect a daily log of Koxinga's military activities from 1649-1662 (note: □ = lost or archaic characters). Yang was a non-combatant officer in the Household Dept whose duty was to faithfully record all the important events:
四月初一日黎明，藩坐駕船即至臺灣外沙線，各船魚貫絡繹亦至。辰時天亮，即到鹿耳門線外。本藩隨下小哨，繇(由)鹿耳門先登岸，踏勘營地。午後，大船齊進鹿耳門。先時此港頗淺，大船俱無出入，是日水漲數尺，我舟極大者亦無□□，□天意默助也。是晚，我舟齊到，泊禾寮港，登岸，札營近街坊梨 □□□□□□□鎮督虎衛將坐銃船札鹿耳門，□□水師甲板，並防北線尾。
In the early dawn hours on the first day of the 4th month, Koxinga arrived at the sandy line of Tayouan Bay with all the other ships following in a single file. By dawn, all had reached the outside of the Lakjemuyse Channel. Koxinga disembarked to examine the camp sites. In the afternoon, all the ships even the large ones entered the Channel unhindered riding the higher than usual high tides. This was a silent help from Heaven. By nightfall, all ships were docked in He-Liao Port and the soldiers encamped on shore. A gunboat was dispatched to guard the Channel and Baxemboy.
是晚，赤崁城夷長貓難實叮發炮擊我營盤，並焚馬□□□。其赤崁街係我民居草厝，藩恐被焚燬糧粟，特差戶都事楊英持令箭委同楊戎政督同援勦後鎮張志官兵看守堵禦，不許官兵混搬，亦不可致紅夷焚燬，候明日分派發給官兵糧食。繇(由)是各街米粟看守完全，無敢侵擾。次日，即令戶都事楊英將街中米粟，一盡分發各鎮兵糧，計勻足半個月。
In the same night, Ft Provintia on order of its Commander fired at our camp site causing some damage to the staple and food storage. Since Sakam District was a residential area with houses built with straws, in order to avoid a firestorm and destruction of food supplies, Koxinga ordered the soldiers to be on guard and to wait until the next morning to distribute the rations. The supplies were in fact secured and the rice and grains, enough to last for half a month on the average, was distributed to the soldiers.
初三日，宣毅前鎮□官兵札營北線尾，夷長揆一城上見我北線尾官兵未備，遣戰將拔鬼仔率鳥銃兵數百前來衝□，被宣毅前鎮督率向敵一鼓而殲，夷將拔鬼仔戰死陣中，餘夷被殺殆盡。
On the 3rd Day, Forward Guards were sent to set up camps at Baxemboy. Coyett, noticing our soldiers were in transit, sent Capt Pedel and a few hundred of his musketeers to ambush us. This was quickly beaten back by the Guards. The Captain was killed together with the rest of the Dutchmen.
初四日，赤崁城夷長貓難實叮以孤城援絕，城中乏水，欲降。先一日，其弟同婦外□遊，被我兵捉獲解藩，藩慰諭□，加意□□送歸赤崁城，與兄實叮道述德意。至是日議降，藩遣番通事吳邁、李仲同楊戎政招諭之，誓無殺害之意。遂赴藩前納降，仍令原駐城中，並厚賜唐山土儀。藩遂遣實叮往臺灣城招揆一來降。令諭招我百姓回家樂業。
On the 4th Day, the commander of Ft Provintia Valentyn was ready to capitulate after the water supply ran out. One day before, his younger brother together with the brother's wife were detained outside the Fort and sent to Koxinga. Koxinga treated them kindly and returned them to the Fort unharmed. In gratitude, Valentyn decided to give up the Fort. An agreement was reached in which Koxinga vowed not to kill anyone. He then sent three officials, bearing gifts from China, to receive the surrender and allowed Valentyn to stay in the Fort. The commander was later invited to go to Zeelandia to ask for Coyett's white flag, so that all citizens could return home and move on with their lives.
初五日，夷王揆一遣我民充番通事胡興同揆一人□□藩說和，藩諭令夷長來見。
On the 5th Day, Coyett's envoy, a Chinese employed as a Dutch consul, came to visit to sue for peace. Koxinga demanded a high ranking representative instead.
初六日，揆一遣夷長□□□等同實叮□□□見，藩賜宴厚禮之，令何廷斌問：『揆一何日出降』？答云：『揆一無降，若藩主兵將抽回，年輸□稅若干萬併土產□□貨隨意聽從，年年照例貢納。至此番大師船隻俱納□□□歸官兵，愿送勞師銀十萬兩』云云，餘無敢言。藩卻之，令發回。
On the 6th Day, Coyett did send a high-level Dutch representative together with Valentyn, both of whom Koxinga had received courteously. At the banquet, Koxinga instructed He Ting-bing to inquire when Coyett would yield, to which the reply was that Coyett would not surrender and that if Koxinga would to withdraw, the Dutch were willing to pay annual taxes and tributes in amounts to be decided, plus an immediate compensation of 100,000 taels of silver and delivery of ships. Koxinga promptly declined the offer and ordered the envoys to leave.
Also, on the account of the sea battle on May 1st, Coyett reported the loss of one large ship [the Hector] with the other three escaping destruction; whereas Yang recorded the capture of two Dutch galleons and three smaller ships.
It is inevitable that historical accounts from the opposing sides differ. This maybe acceptable if the general storylines more or less agree; however, the Koxinga-Coyett conflict based solely on Coyett's narrative is simply too one-sided. The devil is therefore in the details. A far more balanced view of Koxinga's operation obviously is still needed; already a picture of Koxinga's seeking a peaceful resolution begins to emerge.
I admire your scholarly research and writings on the history of Taiwan. Reading your posts has been a highly rewarding experience.
回覆刪除For some times I was wondering why 鄭成功 was spelled Koxinga in English. I thought maybe he was a Chinese with some foreign blood, and that name came from the foreign branch of his family tree.
Then I realized that Koxinga was 國姓爺. It's a title rather than a name. It's like calling him Imperial Lordship rather than his real name. Somehow it gives the impression that he was not Chinese because Koxinga is so un-Chinese-like. Now I see my misunderstanding came from the evolution and translation of languages.
If you are so inclined, I'd like to read some history of Taiwan of more recent years by you. Specifically the history from 1895 onward, preferably post-1945.
The history of Taiwan has been hotly contested in many expats' blogs and comments. I hope that you may shed some light on this subject. I'm a 外省人 grew up in Taiwan but had lived in the U.S. longer than in Taiwan. I don't mean to stir up controversy. I just like to read some even-handed facts and a enlightened perspective such as yours.
Thanks.
Dear Herman,
回覆刪除Thank you very much for the kind words. Very nice of you.
The Chinese are taught, as a matter of respect, not to address their elders by name but by their title. It is the same principle as far as Koxinga. This English name was derived from Cocxinja (Dutch), the Taiwanese pronunciation of 國姓爺. And in Chinese history, there has been only one 國姓爺, so no confusion here.
You mention the history of Taiwan is "hotly contested in many expats' blogs and comments". If post-1945, then it is usually the 228 Incident. And indeed, George Kerr's "Formosa Betrayed" is often cited by most as the only credible source. Unfortunately, research on this subject has been suppressed until more recently, so there is still a knowledge gap.
Actually, many older 外省人 still regard this part of the history as none of their business since most of them arrived in Taiwan around 1949. The generation that grew up in Taiwan, as you did, are all Taiwanese as far as I am concerned. 既是台灣人應知台灣史. I'll try to post more, then.
Nice work EyeDoc, I always appreciate everything you post!
回覆刪除~Marc
Hi EyeDoc,
回覆刪除既是台灣人應知台灣史.
Indeed, I'm shamefully ignorant in much of this history. It's as if there were a dark cloud hanging over the past that I couldn't find much sensibility in the Chinese books or from people's talk. Most of what I read and believe actually come from books written in English.
Yes the 228 is of high interest to me. But come to think of it. Any time period in the past 100 years that you wish to address is quite fine for me. I'm sure each and every time period and event all play an interesting and integral part of what's happening here and now. So even if you want to talk about the history of night markets or betel nuts, that too will be relished by me and your other readers. But of course political incidents are always good topics.
So, till you feel like it, I look forward to your posts.
Hi Herman,
回覆刪除The "history of night markets or betel nuts"? Hmm... So you have spent some time in southern Taiwan even though you write like an NTU graduate. Just kidding.
I'd disagree with your "shamefully ignorant" assertion. It was the 愚民政策 - still more or less in place now, for political exploitations, I might add.
If you wish, I can send you a "Tamsui Peace Park - the Historical Background" which is based on materials from this blog and other subjects that you have expressed interest in. It is a small window to the past of Taiwan. Please contact me at hmcheng542@msn.com
And Marc,
Good to hear from you. We must meet up again. Thanks for the beer last time.
"In fact, many authors have "borrowed" liberally from Campbell's book including, e.g., Davidson (1903), Rutter (1923),..."
回覆刪除I've read these books; but they don't even scratch the surface. They're just what are commonly available in Taiwan. Formosa is probably mentioned thousands of times, in pretty much all the European languages, in many places, going right back to 1544. It's just that nobody has made an effort to compile these mentions somewhere.
I like Rutter not because of how he rehashes Campbell. I already know this account well. What intrigues me about Rutter is his read on Campbell, being an ex-officer and someone with a deep understanding of military tactics.
That is very true. A systematic cataloging is sorely needed.
回覆刪除And if you google "Koxinga", 317K entries show up. Google "鄭成功" = 5.43 million entries. Of course, only a handful are primary historical sources that are truly useful. Still, the gulf between east and west understanding is an immense one.
Your point on Rutter's background has not escaped my attention. He was a British Naval attaché, so I am not sure how good his training in land warfare was. Certainly he would be far more knowledgeable than Rev Campbell in military tactics.
"He was a British Naval attaché, so I am not sure how good his training in land warfare was."
回覆刪除Point taken. Rutter does, however, on watching Japanese soldiers going through their routines mention how much he misses viewing good soldiering.
Like I said, I think there has got to be a lot out there on Taiwan, sitting in the books written in various European languages, just waiting to be collected. Michael Turton has been throwing up the odd journalistic account of Taiwan (19th century) on his blog.
"The history of Taiwan has been hotly contested in many expats' blogs and comments."
回覆刪除Does this really give you pause, Herman? What I draw from your point, and find quite the riddle, is that "expats" are regularly at the forefront of digging out Taiwan's history. In my experience, "expats" are amongst some of the most knowledgeable voices on what went down in Taiwan 200, 300 and 400 years ago. Why do you think that it is that a lot of people in the know about Taiwan's history don't even come from Taiwan originally? Eyedoc and Chosan on this blog do, of course, provide a bit of a counter....
Hi Patrick,
回覆刪除There must be "a lot of books written in various European languages..." Perhaps, but the ones that pontificate or editorialize from a safe distance we don't need. Fundamentally, history is a collective experience of the common people, native-born and immigrants included. And the reason why the expats are at the forefront digging? Very simple: a sense of urgency in practicing 既是台灣人應知台灣史. Beyond this, some who set down roots in Taiwan are actually more Taiwanese than the average Taiwanese in trying to make Taiwan better. This I appreciate very much and, I am sure, Chosan as well.
EyeDoc,
回覆刪除It was the 愚民政策...
Hey I like that. Makes me feel like holding my head a bit higher. Yes, I will try to look at it that way from now on. I was a Northerner. I grew up in Keelung and saw betel-nut chewers there too. And we've got one night market called 基隆廟口.
Patrick -
Westerners generally write about Taiwanese history more openly than Chinese authors. I know the old KMT did an awfully effective job covering up parts of Taiwanese history. As a matter of fact, the first time I read about 228 was from a travel guide book: Lonely Planet - Taiwan.
But even the historical accounts made by expats, there's always the question of authenticity and interpretation. Are we looking at first-hand accounts, or second-hand editorials and commentaries? Are the dots connected the right way? You know how when there's a family feud, the two sides always give radically different accounts, like the movie Rashomen 羅生門? I don't mean that nobody knows what happened. I meant to say that there seems to be very few scholarly maps showing where the dots were when it comes to Taiwan history, and even less agreement on the ways to connect the dots.
Drew Kerslake of Taiwan in Cycles had written a timeline of events of Taiwan history.
http://taiwanincycles.blogspot.com/p/key-dates-in-taiwan-history.html
That's very good writing in presenting the dots.
There are other bloggers who just use partial facts indiscriminately to fit their thesis. Let me give you an example. Michael T. wrote a post about how awful the English versions of Campaign slogans were: "Taiwan Next", "Taiwan Cheers, Great". After a lot of expats pitched in to say how awful they were, somebody bothered to look in on the original Chinese version, and then Michael concluded that the English version was mis-translated, and it "contains a play in words that can't be translated".
That's an example of poorly presenting the dots and drew a picture from them. I don't mean they shouldn't do it. They can certainly do it for fun and no problems. It's just that when they do it so seriously and then got it wrong, maybe they should let the dots speak for themselves more when tackling the business of sketching/analyzing history.
"And the reason why the expats are at the forefront digging? Very simple: a sense of urgency in practicing 既是台灣人應知台灣史. Beyond this, some who set down roots in Taiwan are actually more Taiwanese than the average Taiwanese in trying to make Taiwan better. This I appreciate very much and, I am sure, Chosan as well."
回覆刪除Me too. This is pretty much how I feel. I also think first hand accounts are vital, as they throw aside the regurgitating of texts from Campbell, Rutter, Shepherd and what have you. This has actually been my approach.
But to play the devil's advocate once again, I like how some individuals have tried to touch upon these writers (Campbell, Rutter, Shepherd, etc.), especially when they want to souse out certain points and make them relevant.
Herman, OK. I just think we should draw more brains into the discussion. It doesn't matter if they are expats or locals. And we should be careful here. I think you are making too much of how "Westerners" are drawing up Taiwan's history. The simple fact that you have chosen to make a distinction smacks a bit of "us versus them-ism." There is a lot that needs to be contributed to the conversation, regardless of where it comes from or in what language it is expressed in. Enjoy the point of view for what it is, regardless of the racial or ethnic composition of point-of-view maker. Welcome to the conversation. Seems like you have an original way of coming at it. We'll probably talk again.
Patrick,
回覆刪除I haven't lived in Taiwan for a long time. I think that other than physical appearance, you are probably much more Taiwanese than I am. And know things Taiwanese much more than I do.
The "us versus them" is a way of my discrimination. And I think discrimination is a trained faculty of the mind. Of course it can be bad if discriminating wrongly, like I pre-judged that Taiwanese ancestors did something bad to the aborigines without really knowing anything about it. But discrimination can also be good in separating the wheat from the chaff. Without discrimination, how do you separate facts from fancies then?
But I do go overboard sometimes. And calling out names like Westerners and expats are not helping. I shall try to do better. Thanks for reminding me.
"But I do go overboard sometimes. And calling out names like Westerners and expats are not helping. I shall try to do better. Thanks for reminding me."
回覆刪除I am a little sensitive sometimes, and I suppose nobody will argue with me when I say that I also go overboard. Cheers. The Internet is pretty cool because it draws people like you and me together, or eyedoc and me together for that matter (we've been out several times for dinner and he helped me a lot on my MA).
I have definitely enjoyed reading your feedback here for various reasons. I guess I just appreciate seeing more individuals engaged on the subject of Taiwan, etc. The Internet and engaging blogs bring this about. I look forward to much more (but will have to, sorry, call you on what I don't agree with.) Good luck in your quest.