Fish paste jiaozhi 鮮魚漿餃子

New recipe - from the collection of Teng-Feng Fishball Museum II [the Tourist Factory] in Danshui 淡水登峰魚丸博物館二館【觀光工廠】:

材料: 魚漿一斤,水餃皮一包,青蔥一把,胡蘿蔔少許,洋蔥少許並灑上少許胡椒粉調味.
Materials: Fish paste 0.5 kg, 餃子jiaozhi skin, one bundle of green scallions, bits of carrots and onions, and a pinch of ground pepper [Note: use your own discretion as far as the proportion of each ingredient].

Methods:
1. 魚漿與青蔥,胡蘿蔔,洋蔥攪拌均勻(內餡).[Mix everything together.]
2. 將內餡包入水餃皮壓緊.[Wrap the above mixture in jiaozhi skin.]
3. 煮熟浮起即可.[Boil until done, i.e., when they float to the top.]

...好吃,低油,低負擔的魚漿水餃就完成了~
...Enjoy.

Normally, 餃子jiao-zhi or 水餃shui-jiao is prepared with ground meat. This new receipt calls for fish paste which totally transforms the jiaozhi-eating experience. Give it a try.

When in Danshui, you can also visit:

Tamsui Teng-Feng Fishball Museum (the original) and the soon-to-open Museum II [the Tourist Factory] 淡水登峰魚丸博物館二館【觀光工廠】, and arrange for DIY sessions for school children to learn fishball-making and more:

All kids, young and old, are welcome!!

腳氣病 Beriberi

Beriberi, caused by Vitamin B1 or thiamine deficiency, has not been a major illness in China or Taiwan. Traditional Chinese medicine manages it efficaciously by using dietary barley [without the knowledge that it is loaded with thiamine]. In contrast, beriberi was widespread in Japan in the Meiji Era when the polished rice found its way into the Japanese diet. Polished rice is rice with the outer husks removed - together with the thiamine contained within, unfortunately. It is far more tasty and at the same time more pleasing to the eye than the unpolished brown rice, and very quickly, it became the main staple food of the Japanese.

However, unlike the Chinese who consumed rice together with other relatively sumptuous dishes, the Japanese tended to eat rice by itself, accompanied if ever, by a small amount of pickled vegetables and some fish. The meals of the Japanese enlisted men consisted of almost all polished rice - as it turned out that this was the reason why beriberi broke out in great numbers.

It was unknown in the beginning that thiamine-deficiency was the causative factor. The medical corps of the IJA and the IJN were split on the management of beriberi. A British-educated IJN medical officer 高木兼寛Takaghi Kanehiro found in 1883 that if western-style rations with bread and meat were provided to the crew on a training mission, none developed beriberi; whereas on the same 10-month journey one year earlier, with only polished rice on board, 169 of the 378 crewmen came down with the illness. Western meals were therefore adopted as a standard fare by the IJN. The IJA medical corps, on the other hand, adhered to its German training, believing that beriberi was an infectious disease caused by some unknown bacteria. For years and in both the Sino-Japanese (1894-5) and the Russo-Japanese (1904-5) wars, casualties from beriberi mounted until 1905, when barley, based on Chinese medicine, was introduced into the military diet that finally brought the disease under control. The document below was the official order No 266 dated March 27, Meiji Year 38 (1905), for the IJA to add 30% barley [often unwelcome to the servicemen] to its rice rations:
In 1910, Japanese chemist 鈴木梅太郎Suzuki Umetaro finally identified Vitamin B1 and linked its deficiency to beriberi; although the Nobel prize for its discovery went to Dutchman Christiaan Eijkman in 1929. [Suzuki waz robbed.]

The search for a more palatable substitute than barley had led to the development of dried yeast tablets. And one of the most famous brands was/is Wakamoto [see insert]. Next time when you travel by Taipei Metro, take a few moments and examine the giant Wakamoto posters on display in many of the stations. You'll know that there is a long history behind this nutritional supplement that contains a secret ingredient, Vitamin B1 (thiamine). Wakamoto yeast tablets in fact went on sale in 1929 and have remained on the market ever since.

Beriberi also had a close yet hidden association with Taiwan. The Sino-Japanese war ended with China ceding Taiwan to Japan. And in June, 1895, the IJA occupation force invaded Taiwan and fought against its residents. It was often unquestioningly cited that the Japanese casualty totaled 4,806, and of that number, 4,642 died from diseases principally beriberi plus malaria and cholera. We now know that some would have already become ill from beriberi (and cholera) prior to arriving in Taiwan and some were actually combat deaths, and yet the loss was conveniently blamed on the putatively substandard and unsanitary living conditions in Taiwan. Which were not all that different from the rural areas in Japan at that time.

As a side point, the Taiwanese had lived and thrived on this beautiful island Formosa since at least 1662, immune to the many deadly diseases that seemed to strike only the hapless foreign invaders, first the French (1884) and then the Japanese (1895). Tropical medicine has been the expertise of the traditional physicians of Taiwan (and the later addition of Western medicine simply reinforces it). The prevention of malaria and the plaque, and the treatment of cholera and beriberi were in fact all quite well-practiced. But then, Taiwanese doctors were most likely not too eager to help the enemies and the latter too arrogant/fearful to seek any help anyway.

During the Pacific War, beriberi re-surfaced among the Japanese servicemen. As any reasonable consumers of rice, the soldiers also rejected barley in their white rice and the military-issued Wakamoto tablets were equally distasteful.

[Above: a 1940 poster advertising Wakamoto tablets.]

In the 1950s, the then enterprising 台糖公司Taiwan Sugar Corp developed sugar-coated yeast tablets, known to that generation and beyond as 健素糖. They have been wildly popular until killed in 2006 by media reports that the yeast was of questionable quality fit only for pigs. [This time, the Taiwanese kids waz robbed.] A resurrection is presumably in the offing. It still is. In the meantime, Wakamoto dominates, after 81 years.

Cholera!?

Between 1896 and 1945, i.e., during the Japanese colonial rule, Danshui was hit with several epidemics. According to Danshui Town history:

Sep, 1896: Black death, prompting the quarantine of ships docked in Danshui Harbor
Oct, 1896: Founding of 滬尾傳染病隔離所(Hobe Quarantine Hospital for Contagious Diseases) which came in handy when on Oct 12, 1896, a black death epidemic broke out and 127 died
Jan 15, 1925: cases of small pox were found among other diseases

[The quarantine hospital in Danshui]

Rat-mediated black death was the scourge of Danshui, in large owing to junks arriving from Foochow that carried infested rats. A number of preventive measures were taken. For example, cone-shaped iron collars were fit onto the anchor lines to prevent rats from jumping ship. And the Town Office offered cash rewards for each domestic [as opposed to field/wild] rat caught and turned in, plus a lottery ticket with the grand cash prize drawn every 6 months. This popular practice continued until 1937 when the disease was deemed under total control. However, in 1946, with junks started arriving from China again, another black death threat commenced but which was quickly squelched by local physicians trained in western medicine.

Curiously, Danshui seemed to have escaped the great cholera epidemic of 1919 which engulfed the Greater Taipei area. Some 1,633 persons had been infected with the disease and 1,358 died. On July 8, 12 cholera cases were first discovered in the Pescadores. And around the same time, a Japanese businessman 木津丑之助 arrived from Foochow via the ship 湖北丸 in Keelung and became ill. It was confirmed 3 days later that he had contracted cholera. By then, the disease had already spread to Shih-lin, Keelung, and 大稻埕Da-daw-chen (the now Da-tung District).

The Colonial Gov't immediately instituted the following:

(1) all ships from Foochow and Swatow arriving in Keelung and Takao would be quarantined;
(2) starting on July 29, all patients and suspicious cases would be isolated and the dead buried 6 feet underground;
(3) a disinfection unit based in the Danshui Theater in Da-daw-chen organized and set in action;
(4) intense public hygiene education started; and
(5) mandatory public inoculation reinforced by 67 inspectors and 184 policemen.

[An disease inspection station in Shih-lin]

The epidemic mercifully ended on Nov 4 when the last case was released from isolation.

Forced inoculation was necessary because of public resistance to the "modern" disease management which was met with skepticism. Also, many who looked sick or even simply were unhappy in appearance, and some who were merely sound asleep were mistakenly rounded up and forced into isolation wards, and their family and relatives all quarantined. These had generated enormous animosity among the citizens. Plus, the survival rate of the "modern" treatment was only one in ten (10%); whereas of those who escaped to the countryside and were treated by traditional medicine, 8 to 9 in 10 had survived. The 漢醫Han-doctors in fact had been taking great care of the Taiwanese for centuries and they did know how to manage cholera, among other diseases - for cholera, it was paying especial attention to re-hydration and ionic re-balance. The skepticism relative to the inoculation was also justified as cholera vaccines were (still are) only 25-50% effective and the quality of the vaccine doses in 1919 was also questionable.

Danshui, in contrast, had come out of the cholera epidemic unscathed. Ironically, it was because the Japanese Colonial Gov't had chosen to ignore Danshui and developed Keelung Port instead. As a result, few foreign ships came to call on Danshui.

[A junk from Foochow, in isolation in Danshui Harbor]

Historically, however, Danshui's Customs Office had long maintained a Quarantine Office. Plus, the requirement that ships from China with sick passengers/sailors anchor off shore, in the middle of Danshui River certainly had been a sound policy even before the Japanese era. These precautions plus the vast improvement in town sanitation during the Japanese rule had made Danshui a relatively safe place to live.

Terms of Japanese repatriation 1946

[A 50-cent stamp commemorating the 150th Anniversary of the US Constitution, issued by the Rep of China in 1939. The map did not include Taiwan in China's territory and the label, 美國開國-the founding of the US, was erroneous.]

The Taiwan Provincial Gov't issued guidelines for the repatriation [引揚hiki-age] of Japanese residents on Feb 15, 1946. This document, in excruciating detail, is shown below. It was written in a form of bureaucratic Chinese, almost incomprehensible to the common Japanese.

A brief summary here:

Article 1 states the eligibility of those who chose to or were asked to stay in Taiwan.

Article 2 determines who could remain, for example, the Japanese wife of a Taiwanese could stay and the Taiwanese wife of a Japanese could choose to either leave or stay.

Article 3 lists household items including the quantities allowed. Each household was permitted only one load that could be carried on one person's back:

Toiletries: wash basin 1, mouth rinsing mug 1, soap case 1, towel 1, toothbrush 1, toothpaste 1, some cosmetics, and bars of soap 2;
Bedding needs: futon 2 sets, pillows 2, bedsheets 2, mosquito net 1, straw mat 1, blankets (or cotton mattresses) 2;
Clothing: winter clothes 3 sets, summer clothes 3 sets, sweat shirt 1, coat 1, shorts 3 pairs, shirts 4, cardigan 1, socks 3 pairs, long stockings 2 pairs, vests 3, pajama 1, raincoat 1, tweed cap 1, gloves 1 pair, clogs 2 pairs, shoes 3 pairs;
Kitchenware: rice-cooking pot 1, frying pan/wok 1, portable stove 1, spatula 1, firewood tongs 1 pair, water scooper 1, small knife 1, rice ladle 1;
Daily-use items: fountain pen 1, lead pencil 1, stencil pen 1, brush-pen 1, red ink 1 bottle, blue ink 1 bottle, watch (or pocket watch) 1, eyeglasses 2 pairs, matches 5 boxes, tissue paper 2 packs, cigarettes 10 packs, thermos bottle 1, small mirror 1, combs 2, cloth-brushes 2;
Food: enough for 2 days.
And so on.

Article 4 is on banned items such as firearms and swords, cameras and telescopes, gold and silver bars, unmounted gem stones, stocks and stock certificates, etc.

Article 5 is about the amount of cash allowed [note: an executive order would soon follow].

Articles 6-16 describe the repatriation processes including the organization of household groups and teams, selection of leadership, confiscation and receipt of disallowed items, setting up of local processing offices and Ports Keelung and Kaohsiung as the departure points, medical emergencies and burials, etc.

臺灣省日僑管理委員會公告臺灣省日僑遣送應行注意事項

民國三十五年二月十五日　秘字第一九二號 　臺灣省日僑管理委員會公告 　　

本省日僑遣送應行注意事項業經簽奉長官核准；除電飭各縣市政府知會基隆、高雄辦事處暨各縣市日僑輸送管理站遵照外，合行檢同前項注意事項公告週知。

主任委員　周一鶚

附件：臺灣省日僑遣送應行注意事項

第一條　本省日僑之遣送或留臺，依其志願及本省需要決定之，其標準如左：
　甲　日僑志願留臺而政府認為無留臺需要者，應即遣送回國。
　乙　志願回國之日僑，具在學術技術或特殊專長之智能，而政府認為有留臺之必要者，仍應繼續徵用令其留臺。
　各有關機關及各縣市政府應即依據前項標準，將日僑調查名冊加以初核，並送本省日僑管理委員會（以下簡稱本會）複核。

第二條　本會及各有關機關暨縣市政府審核日僑去留，除依照前條規定辦理外，其家屬之去留應依左列各款之規定：
　甲　兩人以上分擔家庭生活，其中有應留臺，有應遣送者，其直系家屬之去留，聽其自願；
　乙　准予留臺之日僑，其直系家屬之去留，聽其自願，其必須遣送者，仍予遣送；
　丙　遣送之日僑對其家屬負有單獨扶養之義務者，其家屬應同時遣送；
　丁　夫為日僑，妻為本國籍，而結婚在本省受降以前者，妻之去留聽其自願；
　戊　妻為日籍，夫為本國籍，而結婚在本省受降以前者，其妻得予留臺；
　己　罪犯嫌疑案件未結或移交未清者，暫予留臺，其家屬之去留聽其自願；
　前項遣送回國日僑，在遣送途中發生傳染病者，其家屬不能單獨回國時，得暫准留臺，候痊癒時再予遣送，如需監護人監護者，其監護人亦得暫准留臺。

第三條　遣送回國之日僑（簡稱回國日僑），每人准攜帶物品一挑，以自能搬運者為限，其種類數量不能超過左列各款之規定：
　甲　盥洗具類：面盆一個，漱口杯一個，肥皂盒一個，毛巾一條，牙刷一把，牙膏一瓶，化粧 品若干，肥皂二塊。
　乙　寢具類：棉花被二條，枕頭二個，被單二條，蚊帳一條，草席一領，毯（或棉花褥）二條。
　丙　衣履類：（男女相同，隨身穿著者除外）冬季衣服三套，夏季衣服三套，衛生衣一件，大 衣一件，短褲三條，襯衣四件，羊毛衣一件，短襪三雙，長襪二雙，背心三件，睡衣一件，雨衣一件，呢帽一頂，手套一雙，木屐二雙，皮鞋三雙。
　丁　炊具類：（以下除爐灶外，以銅鐵質料者為限）煮飯鍋一隻，燒菜鍋一隻，爐灶一具，鍋鏟一把，火嵌一把，水瓢一個，小菜刀一把，飯瓢一個。
　戊　日用品類：自來水筆一枝，鉛筆一枝，鋼筆一枝，毛筆一枝，紅墨水、藍墨水一瓶，手錶（或掛錶）一隻，眼鏡二副，洋火五盒，粗紙二刀，香姻十包，熱水瓶一隻，鏡一面，頭梳二把，衣刷二把，圖書若干與作戰無關而非歷史性書籍及文件報告書、統計數字暨其他類似資料者為限）。
　己　行李袋：手提包一件，手提袋一件，籐箱一個。
　庚　藥品類：均以足敷一週間為限）內服藥四種，外敷藥兩種，紗布若干，橡布膏若干，棉布若干，繃帶布若干。
　辛　食糧：航行期中，得多帶二日量食糧。
　前項日僑攜帶物品，不許分二次搬運上船，並不許僱用苦力幫同搬運，但若殘廢、患病或攜帶幼孩者，得酌准備人代搬，有幼孩者，並酌准多帶。

第四條　回國日僑不得攜帶左列物品：
甲　炸藥、武器、軍火、大型刀劍。
乙　照相機、雙眼遠望鏡、野戰望遠鏡及其他光學器材。
丙　金條、銀條、金塊、銀塊、未經鑲嵌之寶石藝術品等。
丁　各種有價證券、銀行存款、及債權有關證明文件，但日本本部、臺灣、朝鮮及舊關東州等地之郵政儲金存摺， 及日本所屬臺灣銀行或其分支行發出之存款簿，暨郵局或日本公司所發之生命保險單，不包括在內。
戊　珠寶奢侈品，而不合於持有人之身份者。
己　超過第三條規定以外之物品。

第五條　回國日僑攜帶現款之數額以命令定之。

第六條　回國日僑應以分區集中輸送為原則，其遣送先後程序以命令定之。

第七條　回國日僑由居留地至港口途中之給養，由日僑自行負責，到港口至上輪前止之給養，由政府發給代金，其代金數額，每人每日暫定臺幣十元以下，十歲以 下，每人每日暫定臺幣七元，本會辦事處得就代金範圍內統籌辦前項給養處理辦法及上船後之給養，另定之。

第八條　縣市政府於奉到本會之日僑遣送通知時，應趕填日僑遣送通知單（附通知單格式），並附准予攜帶物品暨禁止攜帶物品清單，至遲於遣送前一日送達日僑知 照。

第九條　回國日僑，接到通知後，即作離臺之準備，其財產處理，依照臺灣處理境內撤離日人私有財產應行注意事項之規定辦理之。

第十條　回國日僑應受左列規定之檢查：
　 甲　健康檢查；
　 乙　攜帶物品檢查；
　 丙　一般性檢查。

第十一條　前條健康檢查分為兩次，第一次得於日僑居住地或集中醫院行之，第二次於集中港口時實施，由本會基隆、高雄兩港口辦事處邀同美軍聯絡組派員共同負責，至攜帶物品及一般性檢查，應於上輪前實施。 前項檢查注意事項另定之。

第十二條　實施檢查如發覺第四條所規定物品時，應予沒收，掣給正式收據（附收據格式），由檢查員、保管員、被沒收人及檢查機關長官分別蓋章。
　　前項沒收之物品，彙存一處，不得擅予變動，並列冊分報本會及本省接收委員會日產處理委員會。

第十三條　回國日僑，在輸送期中，應依左列之規定予以編組：
　　甲　以戶為單位，三戶至五戶為一班，班設正、副班長，由班內各戶長推舉之；
　　乙　三班至五班為一組，組設正、副組長，由組內各班長推舉之；
　　丙　三組至五組為一隊，設正、副隊長，由隊內各組長推舉之；
　　丁　各縣市遣送回國日僑人數，如超過兩隊以上者，編為大隊，超過四隊以上者，編為兩大隊，超過兩大隊者，編為總隊，設大隊長、副大隊長、總隊長、副總隊長 各一人，由各隊全體日僑推舉之。
　　前項編組，應於日僑集中前，由地方政府派員指導組織成立，並發給回國日僑證明書（附格式），其編組辦法另訂之。

第十四條　日僑編組完成後，所有關於膳食管理、秩序維持、衛生清潔、房舍配宿、以及日僑相互間之互助、救濟、醫藥等事項，均由班、組、隊長分層負責領導辦 理。

第十五條　本會為便利辦理日僑輸送及管理事務，特於基隆高雄兩港設辦事處，各縣市所在地設日僑輸送管理站，其組織規則另定之。
　　前項辦事處及日僑輸送管理站，均須準備醫務人員，必需藥品，及對死亡者埋葬之設備。

第十六條　本省輸送日僑計晝另定之。
A349-A351政府遣送日僑回國通知單
A352-A357沒收日僑物品收據
A358-A359臺灣省回國日僑證明書存根
A360-A361臺灣省回國日僑證明書 　　（臺灣省行政長官公署公報）

That was it, absolutely no valuables allowed out of Taiwan.

The repatriation was quite orderly. And since it was only a short journey, there was minimal hardship during the transportation back to mainland Japan. Most repatriates, however, have chosen to remain silent to this day.

Terms of the Dutch surrender 1662

[De Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie - VOC]

So how favorable were the terms Frederick Coyett was able to wrangle from Koxinga, after 9 months of the siege of Zeelandia? Let's re-examine Coyett's proposals:

1. 雙方都要把所造成的一切仇恨遺忘。[Both sides agree to forgive and forget.]
2. 熱蘭遮城及其城外的工事、大砲及其他武器， 糧食、商品、貨幣及所有其他物品，凡屬於公司的都要交給國姓爺。[Fort Zeelandia and its fortification, guns and other weapons, food, merchandises, monies, and all other items that are properties of the VOC will all be handed over to Koxinga.]
3. 米、麵包、葡萄酒、燒酒、肉、鹹肉、油、醋、繩子、帆布、瀝青、柏油、錨、火藥、子彈、火繩及其他物品，凡所有被包圍者從此地到巴達維亞的航程中所必需者，上述長官及議員們得以自上述公司的物品中，毫 無阻礙地裝進在泊船處及海邊的荷商聯合東印度公司的船。[Onto ships docked at and anchored along the seashores, VOC officials and senators are allowed to unrestrictedly load up supplies needed for all who will sail to Batavia that include rice, bread, grape wine, rice wine, meats, preserved meats, oil, vinegar, ropes, sail cloths, bitumen, tars, anchors, gun powder, bullets, flint fuses, and other items.]
4. 屬於在福爾摩沙這城堡裡的，以及在這戰爭中被帶去其他地方的荷蘭政府特殊人物的所有動產，經國姓爺的授權者檢驗之後，得以毫無短缺地裝進上述的船。[The properties of Dutch Gov't officials who have stationed in the Formosan fort or in other places as a result of the war are allowed in their entirety, upon inspection by Koxinga's representatives, to transport onto the above-mentioned ships.]
5. 除了上述物品之外，二十八位眾議會的議員們，每位得以帶走二百個兩盾半銀幣。此外有二十個人，即已婚的、單位主管及比較重要的人，合計帶走一千個 兩盾半銀幣。[Other than the above-mentioned materials, 28 senators are each permitted to carry 200 2.5-Gulden silver coins. In addition, more than 20 including married managers and more important persons are allowed a total of 1,000 2.5-Gulden silver coins.]
6. 軍人經過檢查之後，可以帶走他們的全部物品及貨幣，並依我們的習俗，全副武裝，舉著打開的旗子、燃著火繩、子彈上膛，打著鼓出去上船。[All soldiers, after inspection, are allowed to take all their belongings and monies with them, and to follow the Dutch custom, to dress in full uniform, display the banners with the fuses lit and bullets loaded, and march at drum beats onto the ships.]
7. 福爾摩沙的漢人之中，還有人向公司負債的，他們負債的金額和原因，或因租賃或因其他緣故，都將從公司的簿記中抄錄出來，交給國姓爺。[For those Han-people who owe debts to the VOC, the amount and the incurring reason, as loans or otherwise, will be copied from the company books and submitted to Koxinga.]
8. 這政府全部文件簿記，現在都得以帶往巴達維亞。[All gov't documents and ledgers are allowed to be shipped to Batavia.]
9. 所有的公司職員、自由民、婦女、兒童、男奴、女奴，在這戰爭中落在國姓爺領域裡且尚在福爾摩沙的，國姓爺將從今日起八至十日內交給上述的船，那些 在中國的，也要儘快送來交給上述的船。對於那些不在國姓爺的領域裡而仍在福爾摩沙的公司其他人員，也要立刻給予通行證，以便去搭乘公司的船。[All company workers, freemen, women, children, male and female slaves, and those trapped in Formosa within Koxinga's domain, Koxinga will deliver them to the above-mentioned ships in the next 8-10 days. Those in China will be sent to the ships as soon as possible. And those staying in Formosa but outside Koxinga's domain will be given safe passage to VOC ships.]
10. 國姓爺要把他所奪去的船上的四隻小艇及其附屬設備立刻還給公司。[Koxinga agrees to return 4 small boats with the accessories which have previously been forcibly taken from VOC ships.]
11. 國姓爺也要安排足夠的船給公司，以便運送人員和物品到巴達維亞。[Koxinga agrees to provide a sufficient number of ships to the Company to facilitate the transport of personnel and cargo to Batavia.]
12. 農產品、牛和其他家畜以及其他為公司人員停留期間所需要的各類食物，要由國姓爺的部下以合理的價格，從今日起每天充足地供應給公司的上述人員。[Foodstuff needed for VOC workers such as agricultural produce, cattles and other farm animals will be supplied by Koxinga's subordinates at a reasonable price in sufficient quantities starting today.]
13. 在公司人員遺留在此地或未上船以前，國姓爺的兵士或其他部下，如果不是為公司工作而來，誰也不得越過目前用籃堡或該殿下的陣地所形成的界線，來接近這城堡或其城外工事。[As long as the company workers are still in place and before they boarded the ships, Koxinga's soldiers and military personnel are forbidden to cross the present boundaries unless they are on company businesses.]
14. 在荷蘭東印度公司人員撤離以前，城堡將只掛一面白旗。[A white flag is to be flown above the fort before the retreat of the VOC personnel.]
15. 倉庫監督官在其他人員和物品都上船之後，將留在城堡裡二至三天，然後才和人質一起上船。[Overseer of the Warehouses will stay behind in the fort for 2-3 more days after all items and personnel have been loaded onto the ships; he will then leave together with all designated hostages.]
    
16. 國姓爺將派官員或將官Ongkim及其幕僚Punpauw Jamosie為人質，於本條約經雙方各按本國的方式簽字、蓋章和宣誓之後，立刻送去停在泊船處的一艘公司的船。相對的，公司將派這政府的副首長Joan Oetgens van Waveren及眾議會議員David Harthouwer為人質，到大員市鎮國姓爺那裡，他們將各留在上述二個地方，直到一切按照條約內容確實履行完畢。[The designated hostages from both sides will remain in each other's camps until the complete ratification of the treaty.]
17. 國姓爺被囚在這城堡裡的人，或被囚在此地泊船處公司船裡的俘虜，將和我們被囚在國姓爺的領域裡的俘虜交換。[Prisoners of war are to be exchanged.]
18. 本條約如有誤會或確有需要而在此被遺漏之重要事項，將由雙方基於能為對方接受的共識，可立刻修正之。[Revision and addition of the above shall be agreed upon by both sides.]

一六六二年二月一日在大員的熱蘭遮城裡 [Feb 1, 1662, Zeelandia in Tayouan]

簽名者：Frederick Coijett 等二十八人 [Signed by Coyett et al, a group of 28 signatories]

Koxinga had agreed to all points except 8 and 12. His replies corresponded with 1-7, 9-11 [now 8-10], and 13-18 [now 11-16] of Coyett's proposals:

1. 我同意雙方發生過的所有問題都已經過去，不再存在，而且不再去想那些問題。[I agree: let bygones be bygones.]
2. 按照所說的，該城堡所有的大砲、小砲、彈藥、現款以及全部商品，都要毫無例外的交給我。[...guns etc... to be transferred to me]
3. 米、燒酒、醋、油、肉、鹹肉、麵包、繩子、帆布、瀝青、柏油、火藥、子彈、火繩等物品，各船得攜帶航行途中所需要的數量。[supplies for the voyage to Batavia are approved]
4. 所有的平民其財物家私，經檢驗後都得以裝上船。[private properties to be allowed]
5. 對那二十八個人，每人准予攜帶二百個兩盾半銀幣；對其他那二十個較高階的人，准予合計攜帶一千個兩盾半銀幣。[silver dollars are also allowed]
6. 兵士准予攜帶他們的行李不受騷擾地上船；並得以全副武裝，點燃火繩、子彈上膛、旗子打開並打鼓等。[soldiers' parade permitted]
7. 你們得以將公司簿記文件中有關債務的資料，或租賃的或商品的，要抄錄交出來。[record of debts to be copied and delivered]
8. 所有的荷蘭人，男的、女的、孩童、黑人，都將於八至十日內送到船裡，還在我方的地方官及其他人，也將不例外地都交還你們；而且，那些可能在此地或其他地方 躲藏尚未露面的人，也將同樣平安地交還給你們。[safe passage for all residents]
9. 那五隻被我們取得的小艇，將歸還你們。[the five small boats are to be returned]
10. 各種船都將准予用來運送荷蘭人上船。[transport ships will be provided]
11. 將命令兵士不得前往城堡附近，也不得有騷擾或暴力行為。[no hostile presence and actions]
12. 在和約簽訂以前，該城堡得以掛一面白旗。[a white flag is to be flown]
13. 該城堡裡的要員們須於三日內將他們的事務處理完畢、並進入船裡。[the 3-day limit to finish conducting all affairs]
14. 雙方為此必須互換書面的條約，該書面的條約須經宣誓，並由重要人物簽名；為達此目的，雙方須互換人質。[treaty ratification and hostage exchange]
15. 所有還在該城堡裡的漢人須全部釋放，同樣，在我們這邊還活著的荷蘭人也將予以釋放。[POWs will be exchanged]
16. 如果還有任何細節在此被遺忘的，將予另行商討。[revisions and additions are to be further discussed]

This document was dated: 大明永曆十五年十二月十三日[The 13th Day of the 12th Month in the 15th Year under Ming emperor Yong-li's rule]

It would appear that Coyette got what he had asked for, except more food for his charge. Food was probably in short supply on Koxinga's side as well and re-supplying the enemy combatants was most definitely not a smart move in any case. Coyett had also asked for the return of 4 but had received 5 small boats instead, possibly a gesture of sincerity from Koxinga. It was unclear why the Dutch colonial gov't document issue was not further addressed; although most important documents seemed to have survived and were part of the VOC Archives housed in the Netherlands Nationaal Archief.

For Koxinga, it was a very small price to pay to be rid of the Dutch. From that point on, he was able to start building Taiwan into a new home base for re-taking China from the barbarian Qing. For Coyett, it was a defeat with honor. However, the treaty was no saving grace. He was tried in Batavia by the Dutch for losing Formosa, and banished to Banda Islands until 1674 when he was pardoned by King William III - after Coyett's family paid a ransom of 25,000 Gulden.

Coyett's "forgive and forget" was not an option for the VOC. The Dutch never really accepted the loss of Formosa and continued to try to re-gain a foothold in China; they even consorted with the Qing and helped the latter in tenuous attempts of conquering the Ming-Cheng Kingdom.